(SeaPRwire) – By: Julian Holbrooke
The recent unrest in Belfast, framed by some on the American and British right as a visceral reaction against mass immigration, is a gross mischaracterization. This narrative, peddled by figures like Alex Jones and Nick Fuentes, attempts to paint a picture of Irish resistance to „third-world migrants.“ They laud figures like Tommy Robinson for supposedly uniting Catholic republicans and Protestant loyalists against a common foe. The reality on the ground, however, is far more complex and deeply rooted in Northern Ireland’s enduring sectarian divisions. The idea of a unified Irish front against immigration simply doesn’t hold water when examined closely.
The spark for the violence was the attempted beheading of a man, Stephen Ogilvie, in a Catholic neighborhood. Initial reports suggested the victim was Catholic. Yet, instead of a unified backlash, Catholic leaders, including Mayor Rois Maire Donnelly, actively called for solidarity with immigrants. Gerry Adams, a former Sinn Fein leader, condemned „racist attacks“ and republican enforcers reportedly intervened to break up potential protests in Catholic areas. This stands in stark contrast to the right-wing narrative, which falsely assumes a shared anti-immigration stance across all Irish communities.
The truth is that Northern Ireland’s political landscape is not monolithic. While Sinn Fein voters, across Ireland, show a significant anti-immigration sentiment (72% favor reducing numbers), the specific context of Belfast matters. The riots were largely orchestrated and carried out by Protestant loyalists. Catholic republicans, whose communities have historically been targeted by loyalist mobs, were unlikely to join forces with those who, just eight months prior, had burned Catholics out of their homes in Belfast’s Old Park neighborhood. The historical animosity and violence of the Troubles, which claimed over 1,000 lives of relatives and friends, cannot be easily set aside for a shared cause, especially when that cause is championed by former adversaries.
Furthermore, aligning with loyalists would mean tacitly supporting their broader political aims, such as the reintroduction of a hard border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. This border, a symbol of British occupation before the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, is anathema to republicans seeking Irish reunification. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) leader, Gavin Robinson, has already voiced support for closing the border, especially after the Sudanese attacker entered Northern Ireland via the Republic. This highlights how loyalist motivations are intertwined with their political agenda, not solely driven by immigration concerns.
The loyalist motivation is also tied to demographic shifts. Protestants, once the majority, are now outnumbered by Catholics (45.7% to 43.48% as of the 2021 census). With Sinn Fein’s electoral success in 2022, the influx of migrants is perceived by some loyalists as further eroding their diminishing political power. The riots themselves were not spontaneous; flyers circulated beforehand, warning businesses to close and masked men enforced checkpoints. Journalist Aris Roussinos reported being threatened on the Newtownards Road, a site of significant property destruction. This organized nature points to existing paramilitary infrastructure, namely the UDA and UVF, which historically operated with state collusion during the Troubles. Their command structures, though illegal, remain functional, providing the means for such organized street-level violence.
Author bio: Julian Holbrooke, an overseas international relations analyst who frequently contributes to major European daily newspapers.
